It might be under 50 pages long, but no one would try to pass off the Indian National Congress’ Lok Sabha Elections Manifesto as light reading. As with any document like this, it has plenty of jargon, platitudes, hyperbole and promises that have an uncanny resemblance to guarantees made by the same party five years ago.
There are promises of 10 crore jobs and a return to high-growth rates, a bold commitment to striking down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code which criminalises gay sex, as well as the usual gestures towards inclusive growth and fighting divisive forces.
Given that your eyes are likely to glaze over from the very first sentence — “the Indian National Congress has made seminal contributions to India’s unity, integrity, secular polity and democratic federalism” — here’s Scroll.in’s cheat sheet to the Congress party's 2014 manifesto.
"Rights" are mentioned 58 times, up from 16 in the 2009 manifesto. "Empower" appears 16 times (up from six) and "women" 58 times (rising from 16).
This Sounds Familiar
They might have been around for a decade, but there are plenty of items the Congress didn’t manage to get through while in charge. So they’ve just promised to do them yet again, if they return to power.
Women’s Reservation Bill
2009: Promise to “ensure” 33% reservation.
2014: Promise to “ensure” passage of the Bill.
Goods & Services Tax
2009: “We will introduce the goods and services tax from April 1, 2010.”
2014: “Introduce the Goods and Services Tax Bills in Parliament and ensure they are enacted within 1 year.”
Urban administration
2009: “We will give a completely new look to urban governance.”
2014: Affirm a commitment to “revamp” urban governance.
Health
2009: “We will guarantee health security to all.”
2014: Deliver a “Right to Health.”
(Here's why it's a bad idea.)
Affirmative Action in the Private Sector
2009: “The Indian National Congress is deeply committed to pursuing affirmative action for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in the private sector.”
2014: “The Indian National Congress is committed to creating national consensus on affirmative action for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the private sector.”
Righting Wrongs
The Congress is touting its Regime of Rights: an approach to state interventions that relies on establishing public entitlements as rights that the government can’t deny citizens. It began with the Right to Information and the Right to Education, and now they’ve gone all the way to health, pension, dignity and even entrepreneurship. That of course means this centre-left party is talking about rights a whole lot more than they did back in 2009.
These are the rights they claim to have brought over the last decade:
- Right to Food
- Right to Information
- Right to Education
- Right to Employment
- Rights to fight corruption (Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act as well as Whistleblower Protection Act)
- Right to Identity (Aadhaar)
- Right to direct receipt of welfare benefits (Aapka Paisa, Aapke Haath – Direct Benefits Transfers)
And here’s what they’d like to add to the Rights Regime:
- Right to Health
- Right to Pension
- Right to Homestead or Housing
- Right to Social Security
- Right to Dignity and humane working conditions
- Right to Entrepreneurship
The Rahul Gandhi Effect
Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi is known to be a fan of empowerment, particularly if it is women who are being empowered, as his infamous interview on Times Now made evident. This has naturally made its way into the manifesto, with both terms seeing substantially inflated numbers this year around:
Substantial Measure
Across the manifesto. the Congress ensures those who are reading know about its glorious heritage and historical achievements. Apparently, this includes an appreciation for the rhetoric the party has used in the past too. Early on in both the 2009 and 2014 manifestos, the Congress sets out its achievements — insisting, to the point of repetitiveness, that all of them have been achieved in “substantial measure”.
2009
- A government that would be responsive to the concerns of the aam admi and to the needs of the poor, the deprived and the disadvantaged. (This one, they claimed, was achieved in “very substantial measure.”)
- A government that would accelerate economic growth but with a focus always on livelihoods and jobs, on inclusive growth and on social justice. (Also “very substantial measure.”)
- A government that would take forward the agenda of empowerment of the weaker sections of society in a forthright manner with emphasis on education. (Only “substantial measure.")
- A government that would bridge all divides, that would bring all sections of society together, and give them voice. (Again, only “substantial measure.")
2014
None of the 2014 points were achieved in a “very substantial measure” it seems, only “substantial.”
- Inclusive economic growth with a focus on jobs and livelihoods, and social justice.
- Take forward the commitment made by our government in 2004 promising “A New Deal for Rural India.”
- Safeguard and advance the interests of India’s farmers and create an environment conducive to their prosperity.
- Empowering the poor and the marginalized, especially Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, minorities and women.
- Open the doors of education and skills, and provide access to immense opportunities they hold out for our biggest asset, our youth.
- Maintaining peace and security and for fighting the challenges thrown up by undemocratic, divisive and exclusionary political and social interests.
The Tatkal formula
The Congress has never been known as the most fiscally responsible party, at least not by the deficits it has racked up over the years. Yet it insists that it is committed to balancing the books, saying in its 2009 manifesto that subsidies ought to reach “only the truly needy and poor sections of our society.”
In 2014, this appears to have gone a step further. On top of insisting subsidies ought to be targeted well, the Congress says it will have to be charging people for “better quality” services — which others might argue it should be providing anyhow.
“We will also consider introducing sensible user charges because many more people are willing to pay for better quality services, for example, uninterrupted power and better quality train services. We will use this money saved to expand health, education and infrastructure.”
The Social Compact (abroad)
While the “user charges” might point to a Congress moving away from some of its more Leftist roots, its foreign policy section has a surprising point that suggests something else entirely. After claiming India is a “critical bridge” between the developed and the developing worlds, and oddly pointing out the Non-Aligned Movement heritage, support for Palestine and advocacy for freedom of African countries, it goes on to say, “We will continue to support the goodwill nurtured for decades amongst socialist countries.”
The Foreign Policy section also includes an oblique reference that might add credence to murmurs that New Delhi, when ruled by the United Progressive Alliance, was willing to talk to all players in Afghanistan — even outside government.
“For Afghanistan, we believe the real threat is not within but from terrorism from beyond its borders. If the peace process remains Afghan owned and Afghan driven, we will work to support it."
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letters@scroll.in.
There are promises of 10 crore jobs and a return to high-growth rates, a bold commitment to striking down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code which criminalises gay sex, as well as the usual gestures towards inclusive growth and fighting divisive forces.
Given that your eyes are likely to glaze over from the very first sentence — “the Indian National Congress has made seminal contributions to India’s unity, integrity, secular polity and democratic federalism” — here’s Scroll.in’s cheat sheet to the Congress party's 2014 manifesto.
"Rights" are mentioned 58 times, up from 16 in the 2009 manifesto. "Empower" appears 16 times (up from six) and "women" 58 times (rising from 16).
This Sounds Familiar
They might have been around for a decade, but there are plenty of items the Congress didn’t manage to get through while in charge. So they’ve just promised to do them yet again, if they return to power.
Women’s Reservation Bill
2009: Promise to “ensure” 33% reservation.
2014: Promise to “ensure” passage of the Bill.
Goods & Services Tax
2009: “We will introduce the goods and services tax from April 1, 2010.”
2014: “Introduce the Goods and Services Tax Bills in Parliament and ensure they are enacted within 1 year.”
Urban administration
2009: “We will give a completely new look to urban governance.”
2014: Affirm a commitment to “revamp” urban governance.
Health
2009: “We will guarantee health security to all.”
2014: Deliver a “Right to Health.”
(Here's why it's a bad idea.)
Affirmative Action in the Private Sector
2009: “The Indian National Congress is deeply committed to pursuing affirmative action for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in the private sector.”
2014: “The Indian National Congress is committed to creating national consensus on affirmative action for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the private sector.”
Righting Wrongs
The Congress is touting its Regime of Rights: an approach to state interventions that relies on establishing public entitlements as rights that the government can’t deny citizens. It began with the Right to Information and the Right to Education, and now they’ve gone all the way to health, pension, dignity and even entrepreneurship. That of course means this centre-left party is talking about rights a whole lot more than they did back in 2009.
These are the rights they claim to have brought over the last decade:
- Right to Food
- Right to Information
- Right to Education
- Right to Employment
- Rights to fight corruption (Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act as well as Whistleblower Protection Act)
- Right to Identity (Aadhaar)
- Right to direct receipt of welfare benefits (Aapka Paisa, Aapke Haath – Direct Benefits Transfers)
And here’s what they’d like to add to the Rights Regime:
- Right to Health
- Right to Pension
- Right to Homestead or Housing
- Right to Social Security
- Right to Dignity and humane working conditions
- Right to Entrepreneurship
The Rahul Gandhi Effect
Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi is known to be a fan of empowerment, particularly if it is women who are being empowered, as his infamous interview on Times Now made evident. This has naturally made its way into the manifesto, with both terms seeing substantially inflated numbers this year around:
Substantial Measure
Across the manifesto. the Congress ensures those who are reading know about its glorious heritage and historical achievements. Apparently, this includes an appreciation for the rhetoric the party has used in the past too. Early on in both the 2009 and 2014 manifestos, the Congress sets out its achievements — insisting, to the point of repetitiveness, that all of them have been achieved in “substantial measure”.
2009
- A government that would be responsive to the concerns of the aam admi and to the needs of the poor, the deprived and the disadvantaged. (This one, they claimed, was achieved in “very substantial measure.”)
- A government that would accelerate economic growth but with a focus always on livelihoods and jobs, on inclusive growth and on social justice. (Also “very substantial measure.”)
- A government that would take forward the agenda of empowerment of the weaker sections of society in a forthright manner with emphasis on education. (Only “substantial measure.")
- A government that would bridge all divides, that would bring all sections of society together, and give them voice. (Again, only “substantial measure.")
2014
None of the 2014 points were achieved in a “very substantial measure” it seems, only “substantial.”
- Inclusive economic growth with a focus on jobs and livelihoods, and social justice.
- Take forward the commitment made by our government in 2004 promising “A New Deal for Rural India.”
- Safeguard and advance the interests of India’s farmers and create an environment conducive to their prosperity.
- Empowering the poor and the marginalized, especially Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, minorities and women.
- Open the doors of education and skills, and provide access to immense opportunities they hold out for our biggest asset, our youth.
- Maintaining peace and security and for fighting the challenges thrown up by undemocratic, divisive and exclusionary political and social interests.
The Tatkal formula
The Congress has never been known as the most fiscally responsible party, at least not by the deficits it has racked up over the years. Yet it insists that it is committed to balancing the books, saying in its 2009 manifesto that subsidies ought to reach “only the truly needy and poor sections of our society.”
In 2014, this appears to have gone a step further. On top of insisting subsidies ought to be targeted well, the Congress says it will have to be charging people for “better quality” services — which others might argue it should be providing anyhow.
“We will also consider introducing sensible user charges because many more people are willing to pay for better quality services, for example, uninterrupted power and better quality train services. We will use this money saved to expand health, education and infrastructure.”
The Social Compact (abroad)
While the “user charges” might point to a Congress moving away from some of its more Leftist roots, its foreign policy section has a surprising point that suggests something else entirely. After claiming India is a “critical bridge” between the developed and the developing worlds, and oddly pointing out the Non-Aligned Movement heritage, support for Palestine and advocacy for freedom of African countries, it goes on to say, “We will continue to support the goodwill nurtured for decades amongst socialist countries.”
The Foreign Policy section also includes an oblique reference that might add credence to murmurs that New Delhi, when ruled by the United Progressive Alliance, was willing to talk to all players in Afghanistan — even outside government.
“For Afghanistan, we believe the real threat is not within but from terrorism from beyond its borders. If the peace process remains Afghan owned and Afghan driven, we will work to support it."