But among the many victims are also some not-so-innocent parties. For the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, a country facing heavy sanctions, cryptocurrency theft has been a (relatively) simple way to fund the country’s expanding nuclear arsenal.
Can we expect its nuclear weapons development to come to a halt, or slow down? It seems unlikely.
North Korea’s hackers
North Korea has invested in its national cybercrime arsenal for some 15 years. It’s almost impossible for an organisation to defend itself against an army of this size and calibre once it comes charging.
In 2016, Lazarus hackers came close to stealing $1 billion from Bangladesh’s national bank – but a typo in the computer code meant they only got away with $81 million.
Since then, they’ve refined their methods. Lazarus has been accused of stealing $571 million from cryptocurrency exchanges between January 2017 and September 2018, $316 million from 2019 to November 2020, and $840 million in the first five months of 2022.
According to Chainalysis, North Korean hackers have stolen an estimated total of about $1 billion in cryptocurrency this year. A large chunk of this would have come from Lazarus’ massively lucrative heist against NFT-based online game Axie Infinity. In April, US authorities held the group responsible for stealing $620 million in cryptocurrency from the game.
For context, it’s estimated North Korea only earned about $142 million from trade exports in 2020.
It’s difficult to say exactly how much cryptocurrency has been stolen (and used) by North Korean hackers – and therefore how much might remain.
In June, blockchain analyst and former FBI analyst Nick Carlsen told Reuters one of North Korea’s crypto caches had lost 80% to 85% of its value in a number of weeks, falling to less than $10 million.
Losses will have intensified following the FTX collapse. According to a Chainalysis report, in January North Korea held about $170 million in stolen unlaundered cryptocurrency, taken from 49 hacks conducted from 2017 to 2021. It also claims Ether was the most common cryptocurrency stolen by North Korea in 2021, making up 58% of the total theft.
Ether’s value fell by more than 20% following the FTX crash, and remains low. It’s reasonable to expect North Korea will wait before cashing out. When it does, experts looking on will be in a better place to figure out how much it has.
Why steal crypto?
The United States, South Korea and Japan have been warning North Korea against conducting a seventh nuclear test. But Kim Jong-un doesn’t seem to be letting up. On Saturday, at the launch of North Korea’s largest ballistic missile yet, he told state media the:
ultimate goal is to possess the world’s most powerful strategic force, the absolute force unprecedented in the century.
International sanctions and border closures due to Covid-19 have made it difficult for North Korea to trade and generate funds through other means – which makes the cryptocurrency market an attractive target.
Cryptocurrency remains unregulated by most countries’ governments. At the same time, transactions can be made quickly, and allow more anonymity than transactions made through traditional banking systems.
It’s also easier to hack a cryptocurrency exchange than it is to hack a bank. The latter are almost always bolstered by advanced security barriers and sometimes require in-person appearances.
More missile tests?
The rapid drop in crypto’s value, compounded by the FTX crash, will have certainly left a dent in North Korea’s nuclear military expansion funds. Nonetheless, Kim Jong-un’s cybercriminal army will likely find new sources of illicit income (and will probably keep stealing crypto too).
And in April American crypto expert Virgil Griffith pleaded guilty to helping North Korea evade US sanctions through using cryptocurrency.
Then there’s China – a key player in deciding whether sanctions against North Korea will actually work. In May, China joined Russia in vetoing a draft proposal from the US to tighten sanctions against North Korea, and continues to trade with it.
As long as North Korea can glean financial benefit from China, and other avenues as mentioned above, it’s unlikely to stop its plans.
James Jin Kang is Adjunct Lecturer, Computing and Security, Edith Cowan University.
This article first appeared on The Conversation.