A clash ensued between Bahuguna and Mrs [Indira] Gandhi on the question of democratic norms and values. With a definite plan, she went ahead diminishing the credibility of democratic institutions. She gave primacy to her personal interests over the interests of the party and the country. Surrounded by a coterie of narrow-minded and opportunist people, she was becoming dictatorial and despotic. Brooking no dissent became a part of her work ethos. As a result, Bahuguna lost her trust and confidence, and she started snooping on him. All this culminated in Bahuguna resigning from Chief Ministership.
People ask why Bahuguna, despite his close proximity to Mrs Gandhi, had to resign. And rightly so, because till 1974 the relations between Mrs Gandhi and Bahuguna were too close to allow any tiff. In fact, multiple factors were responsible for making Bahuguna resign. The main reason being that he as Chief Minister became so popular in the state that Mrs Gandhi and the leaders around her, known as “Caucus,” felt very insecure.
No Chief Minister ever before did what Bahuguna could do for teachers, students, scheduled castes, workers, and employees. The net result was that he was popular among every section in the state. His hold on the bureaucracy was such that he could ask them to do whatever he wanted to. He refused to work under duress and tolerated the dominance of the centre to the extent it was generally acceptable. His buzzwords were, “If it’s my shoulder, then it would only be my head.”
A powerful lobby at the centre was against him for long. PN Haksar, DP Mishra, Chandrajit Yadav, and Uma Shankar Dikshit, who considered themselves to be the leading lights of Communist ideology, had fouled up Mrs Gandhi’s mind about Bahuguna. This lobby was responsible for Bahuguna not getting the status of a cabinet minister in the 1971 ministry, and was always conspiring against him. Among the UP leaders, Chandrajit Yadav, VP Singh, and Rajendra Kumari Bajpai were the prominent ones who were out to run Bahuguna down. The Congress being in tatters in the state was the direct consequence of the conspiracy hatched against Bahuguna. These scheming leaders were over a period of time consigned to the dustbin of history, but Bahuguna remained on the country’s political horizon for long.
Bahuguna’s blatant refusal to allow Sanjay Gandhi’s administrative interference militated against him. Sanjay’s writ ran through the entire country, except UP. Bahuguna never approved of meddling by anyone who had nothing to do with administration or governance, as he was staunchly opposed to extra constitutional power center. Once, in the normal cycle of official transfers, he shifted the District Magistrate of Rae Bareli. As Rae Bareli was Prime Minister’s electoral constituency, Sanjay Gandhi wanted the transfer order to be revoked, but Bahuguna flatly declined to do the same, arguing that if he rescinded the transfer order of one DM, what message will go to others? Bahuguna ignored all such extraneous orders of Sanjay. As expected, Sanjay was thoroughly disgruntled with Bahuguna, and his resentment was passed on to Mrs Gandhi, who was quite often eating out of her son’s hands. They started looking upon Bahuguna as their political opponent.
Arriving in Delhi, Bahuguna started working out the equations for the new party and initiated the process of motivating top leaders to join the party. Babu Jagjivan Ram was one of the powerful leaders of Congress, and Bahuguna was in his good books. Bahuguna’s wish was that he should join the new party, and in this regard, Jagjivan Ram’s son, Suresh Kumar backed him. He succeeded in persuading Babuji to quit Congress. All this was conducted so secretively that Mrs Gandhi had no inkling even till five minutes before the submission of resignation. In one go, Babuji, Bahuguna, Nandini Satpathy, and Raj Mangal Pandey from UP left Congress, delivering a severe shock to Indira Congress.
This event debilitated Mrs Gandhi’s strength. The “Congress for Democracy” was founded on February 2, 1977. The Haryana leader Bhajan Lal and Shankar Giri, son of VV Giri, the former President of India, also joined the party. The Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid, along with hundreds of Muslims from all over the country, declared his support for the party. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, sister of Pandit Nehru, did not join the party but gave her consent for campaigning for the party in the election. She issued a public statement to the effect that emergency was against the values of democracy, and, as such, she has decided to campaign for the CFD.
The 1984 election was historic, as it had become the cynosure of all eyes the world over. The entire international media was hooked to this election. They were all in a fix as to who would win the hearts of the voters of Allahabad – a popular political leader or a popular film actor? Bahuguna’s slogan was, “Ask every nook and corner of Allahabad, every pole and pillar of villages what I have done. The land and the farm, where water is gushing, are telling what I have done. These factories and roads are telling what I have done.” He was fully confident that all that he had done for Allahabad would ensure his victory. He used to say say, “Votes are not in the flower petals lying on the roads, but in the hearts of the people.”
Amitabh promised to turn Allahabad into another Bombay, his wife Jaya begged for votes as the daughter-in-law of Allahabad and Dr Harivansh Rai Bachchan and Teji Bachchan revived the memories of their old ties with the city. The Congress managers shamelessly played caste politics. All this resulted in Bahuguna’s defeat. The major measurable reason behind his defeat was Mrs Gandhi’s assassination, which created tremendous sympathy among the people for Rajiv Gandhi. Amitabh Bachchan had made political capital out of this by addressing Mrs Gandhi as his mother.
Just as Bahuguna was engaged in strengthening Lok Dal, the Bofors scam suddenly exploded on the political landscape of the country. Said to have been orchestrated by the Finance Minister, VP Singh, it has been the most controversial episode in the country. The opposition got a red-hot issue almost on the platter to launch a tirade against Rajiv Gandhi. Bahuguna also could not keep himself aloof from this campaign, but, at the same time, he was not inclined to embrace Rajiv Gandhi’s former manager, VP Singh because of his mischievous role in the past. At that time he had addressed him as “Vibhishana.”
Although it’s a double meaning word, but mostly people use it for someone who has committed a travesty of faith, like Vibhishana, the brother of Ravana, who betrayed him by joining Rama in the war against him. Newspapers had different comments to make on the use of this word by Bahuguna. The Tribune, in its edition dated September 16, 1987, wrote editorially, “It is confusing to make out whether, after joining the opposition ranks, Bahuguna is welcoming VP Singh or taking jibes at him by using sarcastic language?” Navbharat Times and Amar Ujala also presented their own interpretations of the word.
VP Singh was trying to fully capitalise on the Bofors scam in a bid to enhance his political stature. So, he went around the country, narrating the story of the brokerage in the Bofors deal, and sharply attacking corruption in politics. Further, he explained to people at large the reasons for his resignation from the Rajiv Gandhi Government, mobilising public opinion in the name of eliminating corruption.
Bahuguna had an effective skill to present national issues, and unique ways to get them resolved through the government. As an MP he not only raised questions in the House but also wrote to the Ministers and officials. It was an important part of his style of politics to write letters and respond to letters addressed to him. He believed that through a constant exchange of letters, it was possible not only to draw attention towards the resolution of problems but also reduce mutual hiatus. Further, the deficits in the conduct of official business were exposed.
There are unparalleled instances of his letter-writing skill. For example, between November 23 and December 9, 1982, he sent to Prime Minister Mrs. Gandhi 17 letters in 16 days, of which 10 were answered. On not getting an answer to all his letters, he again got down to penning letters. It was because of Bahuguna’s political acumen and forthrightness in dealing with national issues within and outside the Lok Sabha that his long-time political opponent, Charan Singh, on April 25, 1983, at a meeting lauded him in these words: “Bahuguna is a smart, intelligent and hard-working politician who knows the problems of the country and the ways to resolve them. I wish he lives long and is able to find solutions to national questions.”
As Communication Minister, from 1971-73, he was always spot on with answers whenever questions were raised about the telecom set-up and its progress. During his tenure he got telephone factories set up to link telecom to new technologies. Between 1977 to 1979, as Minister for Petroleum and Chemicals, he deftly handled the grave oil crisis in the country. In the House he cleverly bore the fusillade of attacks from the opposition according to high Parliamentary traditions, and giving due respect to their suggestions. His answers to the questions of MPs in the house can be found in ‘Lok Sabha Proceedings’. His whole attitude metamorphosed when he returned to the House after winning the Garhwal bye-poll in 1982.
Bahuguna was a patron of nationalism. He believed that until all parliamentarians were infused with the spirit of patriotism, the welfare of the country was not possible. By raising the slogan of “Bharat Bachao,” times without number, he warned the people and the state of impending dangers.
As regards corruption in the country, he said, “In the past dishonest persons were few and far between, but now an honest person has almost become a rarity. Massive cleansing operation from Gangotri to Gangasagar was required, and this has to begin from the top. If the system has to be rectified, then it has to start from the top rung of the structure. The assets of political leaders would have to be evaluated, and action be taken against the corrupt. The innate meanings of the independence struggle have not changed. The martyrs’ memories are not perpetuated through brick-and-wall structures, but through imbibing the spirit of sacrifice, and by fighting against poverty and exploitation. Till the time wealth is at the top and sweat at the bottom, the message of Swaraj will not go far and wide. We have to rule not just for the sake of ruling, but for bringing about transformative changes.”
Bahuguna was in strong disapproval of the norms that are being followed these days for the appointment of vice chancellors. If he had more time at his disposal, he would have fundamentally changed the ordinances of state universities. Many a time he told Prof Tripathi (who at one time chaired the History department of Allahabad University) that if the nation can elect its Prime Minister, and the state its Chief Minister, then why can a university not select its vice chancellor?
He was of the view that the university fraternity should select its vice chancellor. Government interference will destroy the autonomy of universities, and accentuate the control on freedom of expression, which, in the long run, will be detrimental to the country, society, and the democratic system.
The then vice chancellor of Allahabad University, Ram Sahai said, “During the time when Bahuguna was Chief Minister he never had to go to the secretariat, as it was the standing instruction of Bahuguna that if Education Secretary requires any information, he should either visit university himself or send his representative to collect it.”
Besides higher education, he was always concerned about basic and secondary education. He had great respect for teachers. His stand was, “If the teacher remained empty stomach, how and what will he teach the children? How will he build their character? During the years of studies teacher is the role model of students. If afflicted by financial scarcity, teacher will not be able to strike a balance between his mind and body. As such, teachers should be provided with requisite facilities so that they do not have to look for other jobs. To look at teachers as ordinary employees is demeaning to the education system. The posterity will never grow into ideal citizens of the country.” He initiated the system of payment of teachers’ salaries of government-aided schools through the treasury into the bank accounts of teachers. For 2000 untrained Urdu teachers in the state, he arranged for their training through distance education system, so that in a span of two years and without going on leave, they became entitled to the new pay scale.
Excerpted with permission from Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna: A Political Crusader, Rita Bahuguna Joshi and Ram Naresh Tripathi, translated from the Hindi by Ajai K Rai, published by Vani Book Company.