Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bangladesh for a mere 36 hours, but left an impact big enough to wipe away mistrust that had crept in the Indo-Bangladesh relationship over the decades. The credit for such a short sojourn leaving such a big impact and raising such high hopes goes to both the leaders, Narendra Modi and Sheikh Hasina. Despite being from critically different backgrounds, they are now united in a shared vision of a connected South Asia – making development the top priority for their own nations and the region and in their sheer ability to be bold and decisive.
While time alone will be the ultimate judge of the impact of this trip, here is a mix of the highs and lows, the highlights and takeaways as seen from Bangladesh:
1. Modi didn't wear any jackets or suits with funny stitching, which was a welcome relief. Given the brevity of his trip – only 36 hours – we could ill afford any sartorial distractions. The trip was packed with events, including visits to the National Monument, Bangabandhu Museum, a Hindu temple and much more that only a man of Modi's energy could sustain with good cheer.
2. On a more serious note, this trip marks the end of a long tradition of mutual wariness. Sheikh Hasina was the first to take a bold step in that direction when she returned to power in 2009, and started stamping out terror outfits, whether they were aimed against Bangladesh or India. Bangladesh had expected India to reciprocate with a solution to its most urgent issues, such as water, but the Manmohan Singh visit of 2011 proved to be a dud. In a rivetingly sharp contrast of competence, Modi made the passing of the long-pending Land Boundary Agreement a precondition of his trip.
3. What is most remarkable is the visible blossoming of trust between the two leaders, and thereby the two nations. Most Bangladeshis viewed Modi with scepticism once. In words and gestures, Modi's visit seemed designed to signal the one thing that many Bangladeshis have felt missing from their bigger neighbour: respect. Between Hasina's and Modi's delivery, respectively, on counter-terror and LBA there is just enough substance in hand now not to dismiss the intangibles.
4. But, there will always be those who carp. In Bangladesh, it takes the form of: What about Teesta? (In India, I suspect, it is: What about illegal Bangladeshis?) To the Bangladeshis, I say, Modi's multiple pronouncements make it clear that he's heard us loud and clear. That he persuaded Mamata Bannerjee to accompany him, which Manmohan Singh had failed to do, is sign enough of his commitment. It is a complex issue where political will is now evident and one must give some time for the process and procedures. As for illegal Bangladeshis, I personally am happy to take back any who are truly Bangladeshi and residing elsewhere illegally. But India can't keep treating Bangladesh unfairly on trade and water and not expect economic migration to persist.
5. Hasina and Modi have achieved more in our bilateral relations in this one year than any two of our leaders since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Indira Gandhi. It is easy to dismiss promises as "carrots" that may never be delivered, but Modi saying that India will not go ahead with a project like Tipaimukh without consent from Bangladesh is not insignificant. It's a serious departure from the past when the Indian attitude was one of a mighty neighbour with upper riparian advantages. Anyone who wants more evidence on water-issues is frankly being wilfully difficult .
6. In a trip where one could hardly find a fault, some critics have seized on the power plant deals granted to Reliance and Adani groups of India. They will build, respectively, 3000 and 1600 MW plants in Bangladesh. Leftist hackles are raised anytime big companies from bigger countries enter Bangladesh. Nationalists react similarly when they happen to be Indian. Both point to the fact that these deals were granted under an Act that eschews a tendering process. What they skip is that the Act also requires that the rates match or better the last tendered deal. Bangladeshis can't both whine about the lack of Foreign Direct Investment and get all defensive when it does come in.
7. The trip saw the signing of a remarkable raft of memoranda and protocols. Few of them will mean much to most common citizens of either country. Still, they mark a kind of zeal about working together that will hopefully translate into delivery on bigger asks from both sides. Regional connectivity will help not only both nations, but the entire region. Indeed, we can't expect to be part of the Asian Highway without connecting with one another. It's absurd. And to that end, the start of Kolkata-Guahati direct service is a most welcome step in the right direction.
8. Returning to a lighter note, social media took a lot of interest in the menu for the state dinner. It was vegetarian, of course. It's less of a stretch for Bangladeshis (unlike what many Indians might imagine) than it has been in some Western or other capitals. Puritans wondered why Bangladesh tried to serve Modi non-Bengali specialties like Masala Dhokla. The menu was in fact a brilliant mix of pan-Indian and Bengali dishes, making it a perfect complement to the bilateralism that was thick in the air.
9. One of the treats of this trip has been the side show called "The Taming Of Didi." Mamata Banerjee once enjoyed quite a bit of popularity in Bangladesh as the fire-breather who brought down the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Who doesn't like an underdog? But her popularity here plummeted precipitously when she refused to share the Teesta waters. Neither Banerjee's strident defence of Bengali Muslims nor Modi's words about illegal Bangladeshis have made as much of a mark as what they have said and done about the one issue that Bangladeshis most care about: water.
10. So, if there is to be a final take-away from this trip, it is this: our citizens have grown savvy and are not easily swayed by communal rhetoric. They want to hear smart policies and see results. Modi and Hasina both seem to get that, and also the fact that one has to give to be able to take. Scepticism is a sign of intelligence, but getting stuck in that mode is not. Things are not moved forward by doubters, but by those who have the courage to place faith in others and take risks.
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While time alone will be the ultimate judge of the impact of this trip, here is a mix of the highs and lows, the highlights and takeaways as seen from Bangladesh:
1. Modi didn't wear any jackets or suits with funny stitching, which was a welcome relief. Given the brevity of his trip – only 36 hours – we could ill afford any sartorial distractions. The trip was packed with events, including visits to the National Monument, Bangabandhu Museum, a Hindu temple and much more that only a man of Modi's energy could sustain with good cheer.
2. On a more serious note, this trip marks the end of a long tradition of mutual wariness. Sheikh Hasina was the first to take a bold step in that direction when she returned to power in 2009, and started stamping out terror outfits, whether they were aimed against Bangladesh or India. Bangladesh had expected India to reciprocate with a solution to its most urgent issues, such as water, but the Manmohan Singh visit of 2011 proved to be a dud. In a rivetingly sharp contrast of competence, Modi made the passing of the long-pending Land Boundary Agreement a precondition of his trip.
3. What is most remarkable is the visible blossoming of trust between the two leaders, and thereby the two nations. Most Bangladeshis viewed Modi with scepticism once. In words and gestures, Modi's visit seemed designed to signal the one thing that many Bangladeshis have felt missing from their bigger neighbour: respect. Between Hasina's and Modi's delivery, respectively, on counter-terror and LBA there is just enough substance in hand now not to dismiss the intangibles.
4. But, there will always be those who carp. In Bangladesh, it takes the form of: What about Teesta? (In India, I suspect, it is: What about illegal Bangladeshis?) To the Bangladeshis, I say, Modi's multiple pronouncements make it clear that he's heard us loud and clear. That he persuaded Mamata Bannerjee to accompany him, which Manmohan Singh had failed to do, is sign enough of his commitment. It is a complex issue where political will is now evident and one must give some time for the process and procedures. As for illegal Bangladeshis, I personally am happy to take back any who are truly Bangladeshi and residing elsewhere illegally. But India can't keep treating Bangladesh unfairly on trade and water and not expect economic migration to persist.
5. Hasina and Modi have achieved more in our bilateral relations in this one year than any two of our leaders since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Indira Gandhi. It is easy to dismiss promises as "carrots" that may never be delivered, but Modi saying that India will not go ahead with a project like Tipaimukh without consent from Bangladesh is not insignificant. It's a serious departure from the past when the Indian attitude was one of a mighty neighbour with upper riparian advantages. Anyone who wants more evidence on water-issues is frankly being wilfully difficult .
6. In a trip where one could hardly find a fault, some critics have seized on the power plant deals granted to Reliance and Adani groups of India. They will build, respectively, 3000 and 1600 MW plants in Bangladesh. Leftist hackles are raised anytime big companies from bigger countries enter Bangladesh. Nationalists react similarly when they happen to be Indian. Both point to the fact that these deals were granted under an Act that eschews a tendering process. What they skip is that the Act also requires that the rates match or better the last tendered deal. Bangladeshis can't both whine about the lack of Foreign Direct Investment and get all defensive when it does come in.
7. The trip saw the signing of a remarkable raft of memoranda and protocols. Few of them will mean much to most common citizens of either country. Still, they mark a kind of zeal about working together that will hopefully translate into delivery on bigger asks from both sides. Regional connectivity will help not only both nations, but the entire region. Indeed, we can't expect to be part of the Asian Highway without connecting with one another. It's absurd. And to that end, the start of Kolkata-Guahati direct service is a most welcome step in the right direction.
8. Returning to a lighter note, social media took a lot of interest in the menu for the state dinner. It was vegetarian, of course. It's less of a stretch for Bangladeshis (unlike what many Indians might imagine) than it has been in some Western or other capitals. Puritans wondered why Bangladesh tried to serve Modi non-Bengali specialties like Masala Dhokla. The menu was in fact a brilliant mix of pan-Indian and Bengali dishes, making it a perfect complement to the bilateralism that was thick in the air.
9. One of the treats of this trip has been the side show called "The Taming Of Didi." Mamata Banerjee once enjoyed quite a bit of popularity in Bangladesh as the fire-breather who brought down the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Who doesn't like an underdog? But her popularity here plummeted precipitously when she refused to share the Teesta waters. Neither Banerjee's strident defence of Bengali Muslims nor Modi's words about illegal Bangladeshis have made as much of a mark as what they have said and done about the one issue that Bangladeshis most care about: water.
10. So, if there is to be a final take-away from this trip, it is this: our citizens have grown savvy and are not easily swayed by communal rhetoric. They want to hear smart policies and see results. Modi and Hasina both seem to get that, and also the fact that one has to give to be able to take. Scepticism is a sign of intelligence, but getting stuck in that mode is not. Things are not moved forward by doubters, but by those who have the courage to place faith in others and take risks.
