Wednesday’s Maharashtra-wide bandh, called in response to the violence against Dalits at Bhima Koregaon, came as a surprise to many in the scale of the mobilisation. There were very few reports of violence, but the demonstrations were otherwise widespread, bringing much of Mumbai to a halt and being felt in many other districts across Maharashtra. By evening, once the point had been made, the bandh was called off by Dalit leader Prakash Ambedkar.
While the protests offered a rare opportunity for Dalit activists to mobilise and make their voices heard, some of the conversation – in the news media and online – was nevertheless dominated by voices that are much more familiar and predictably blind to the caste dynamic that comes with a protest like this.
Here are a few of those reactions:
1. All this traffic and disruption
At this point it has become a cliche about protests in Mumbai that the coverage and conversation around them will focus on the impact of the demonstrations – on traffic. Indeed, well-off Mumbaikars have found a way to entirely dissociate the protests from their political content and instead simply complain about the disruption to city life that comes with a bandh.
And by the way. To all the people who are lost in 'left wing' or 'right wing', 'liberal' or 'bhakt' utter time-pass divisive bullshit rhetoric:
— Vir Das (@thevirdas) January 3, 2018
A humble reminded that both of your trains and flights are cancelled. And neither one of you can get to work and earn a living today.
This is not a picture of #MaharashtraBandh but a summary of India's story since 1947 (offensive but true) pic.twitter.com/EZ7PcFNVEH
— Aditya Tiwari (@adt007ad) January 3, 2018
This particular strain of thought tries mostly to avoid a straight-up political comment, retreating instead behind the argument that any disruption to city life is bad, no matter what the reason. Unless, of course, it is a cause that resonates with the middle class, such as say protests against rape.
2. Why do they have to be so political/disruptive?
This is, in some ways, the more self-aware version of the previous response. Here the person complaining usually claims to sympathise with those who are protesting, but wishes they did not end up paralysing the entire city while attempting to do so. This argument again makes the error of ignoring entirely the specific context of the protests – centuries-old oppression of Dalits that makes it hard for voices to be heard – and instead expresses equal concern for the “common man” who was unable to go to work that day. That common man, in this case, usually does not include oppressed Dalits, just the nameless faceless workers of the city.
"Who will compensate the economic damage of today's bandh?"
— Not a Liberal (@AListRap) January 3, 2018
Who will compensate the victims of Khairlanji, of Laxmanpur Bathe, of KIlvenmani, of Tsundur, of Ramabai, of Saharanpur?
If you don't know what those places mean, maybe it's time to wake up.
The breathless national coverage of #Chembur protests just underlines the appalling lack of Dalit professionals in journalism. More vehicles were burnt and a man died in #BhimaKoregaon y'day with muted coverage. Only when Mumbai affected does it become news
— Dhrubo Jyoti (@dhrubo127) January 2, 2018
"There were no mass protests against #Demonetisation, so it is a great move" (read, everyone is happy with us, and willingly so)
— Suvojit (@suvojitc) January 3, 2018
but
"Dalit activists have called for a #MaharashtraBandh; they are anti-national" (read, the moment you protest, we will brand you)
3. How are they any different from the Shiv Sena?
A third variant of this attitude that again seeks to detach any actual context from the protests. In this case, the people complaining may or may not sympathise with the cause, but they seek to draw an equivalence with other groups that have also taken to the streets to protest in the past. In Mumbai, this is usually a reference to parochial Maharashtrian groups, like the Shiv Sena, which have often used violent agitations with impunity in order to achieve their aims. Again, context is key here: The Shiv Sena represents a majoritarian, often xenophobic impulse, and one that gets ample avenues to be heard. Dalits are often on the receiving end of this ideology, and rarely are heard by the authorities, unless they manage a show of force – and even that can often lead to nothing.
I'm going to defy the so-called bandh... I don't want my city to suffer because of a handful of caste obsessed ppl who have no work... We have a nation to run. #MaharashtraBandh
— Dhairya Thakker (@ignobletwat) January 3, 2018
Funnily enough the few who do mention what happened at Bhima Koregaon call it an 'incident' but call today's protests a 'riot'.
— Comrade Jesus (@StonerJesus) January 2, 2018
1 person dies, 4 others in the hospital, scores of cars burnt = incident.
A bandh and rasta roko with stone throwing at a few BEST buses = riot.
We aren’t odd, we’re so predictable. We “respect” oral history & sensitivities of Rajput Karni Sena that vandalises movie sets, but call Dalits observing their version of their own history dangerous subversion
— Shekhar Gupta (@ShekharGupta) January 3, 2018
4. Are Dalits really oppressed? (aka does caste still exist?)
By this point, we are out of the territory of those who at least claim sympathy for those protesting. Instead, this strain of thought, familiar in middle-class circles, seeks to delegitimise the very nature of Dalit politics by asking whether they are indeed oppressed at all. This goes beyond the caste-blindness that is depressingly common in well-off circles, insisting that historical injustice has not only been corrected, it has led to oppression of the once dominant.
I’m specifically saying this- “People” who have always been jobless are now not letting us to function our businesses. I’m keeping all my offices open, let them do whatever they want to. #MaharashtraBandh nahi tum logo ki bolti bandh karne ki jaroorat hai!
— Akshay Bhade (@AkshayBhadeBJP) January 3, 2018
Sometime ago, on a flight I saw a great Dalit leader’s grandson sitting on 1A, business class and I wrote this in notes. Just found. pic.twitter.com/NaEW2bGnkC
— Vivek Agnihotri (@vivekagnihotri) January 3, 2018
Outside Infiniti Mall, Andheri...didn’t know we had so many Dalits around in Mumbai. #MumbaiBandh pic.twitter.com/sXVk75DBTW
— Priya Gupta (@priyagupta999) January 3, 2018
There is a subtler variant of this that acknowledges some caste division, but blames it on the British and not the caste system itself.
British left India in 1947
— Atul Khatri (@one_by_two) January 3, 2018
Their 'Divide and Rule' stayed here and thriving since then
5. Caste politics is divisive
You can usually trust TimesNow and Republic TV to parrot the thoughts of the Bharatiya Janata Party, not least because of the latter’s direct connections to the ruling dispensation. In this case, the line both are taking is instructive: TimesNow’s hashtag for the day is #IndiaAgainstHate and Republic went with #EndCastePolitics. Both are making efforts to argue that it is leaders like Jignesh Mewani, who have spoken up about Dalit oppression that are responsible for division in society.
JUST IN: Biggest twist in Maharashtra caste clash. RSS blames 'Bharat tere tukde honge' brigade. Sensational charge by Top RSS leader #IndiaAgainstHate
— TIMES NOW (@TimesNow) January 3, 2018
Republic even went further, publishing an appeal for politicians to end caste politics and asking whether anyone who directly or indirectly refers to it should be jailed.
In case the deeply disturbing nature of this line of argument is unclear to you, let me spell it out: These channels are arguing that it is those who talk about caste oppression, and not the caste system itself, that are responsible for dividing society. In their estimation, anyone speaking up about the plight of backward castes in modern India, where discrimination is still all-too-familiar, should be jailed.
And of course, this echoes the broader Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh argument that anyone who speaks up about caste oppression – and therefore dismantles the broad Hindu votebank it is seeking to build – is attempting to break and Balkanise India.
For those puzzling over this "Breaking India" reference (or the #BreakIndia hashtag): it's a Sanghi/Rajiv Malhotra invention that insists all challenges to Brahminical superiority (from Dalits, Dravidians, missionaries, etc) are designed abroad to Balkanise or split apart India https://t.co/XtuxAwMUmA
— Mihir Sharma (@mihirssharma) January 2, 2018