Most often, the election of a new government sparks a flurry of debate about who exactly will be included in the cabinet. For instance, when the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was being formed in 1999, political circles were agog with discussions about whether Jaswant Singh or Yashwant Sinha would best be suited for the post of the Minister of External Affairs. The mantle finally fell on Singh, and Sinha was handed the Ministry of Finance. Similar debates were frequent on the eve of the formation of governments in 2004 and 2009 too.
But as the Bharatiya Janata Party has been voted to power once again, there appears to be little scope for discussion. The process of government formation has rarely been so opaque, political observers say. According to the BJP insiders, not even those considered close to Modi have any idea as to what is brewing in the mind of the Prime Minister-designate. A BJP leader who met Modi after the declaration of the election results had this to say: “He just listened and did not say anything. And once my time was over, he stood up with a smile on his face. And that was it.”
Though senior BJP leaders have had one-to-one meetings over the last couple of days, these were no more than stock-taking and confidence-building exercises, party insiders say. On Monday, for example, Sushma Swaraj met Modi and party president Rajnath Singh separately. The same day Uma Bharati and Gopinath Munde held closed-door meetings with Rajnath Singh.
The core committee of Rajnath Singh, Arun Jaitley and Nitin Gadkari, formed to oversee the formation of Modi’s cabinet, is said to exist only in name. Amit Shah, Modi’s close confidante and a fellow Gujarati, is the main link between the Prime Minister-designate and the other party leaders.
Until recently, the BJP had the culture of nurturing multiple power centres, a culture that was encouraged by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the parent of the Hindutva group of organisations to which the saffron party belongs. But that culture has now been subverted, as is obvious from the manner in which Modi is proceeding with the cabinet formation exercise. “A single man now possesses all the authority and enjoys the complete backing of the RSS,” a senior BJP leader told journalists recently.
Modi’s centralised style of functioning has been facilitated by his close links with the top ranks of the RSS. The organisation’s chief, Mohan Bhagawat, is said to have tremendous faith in the new prime minister. “Modi, therefore, enjoys huge leg room in so far as the formation of his government is concerned,” said a senior RSS official on condition of anonymity.
The frequency with which BJP leaders have been meeting RSS officials since the declaration of election results is unusual. Though the RSS has issued statements claiming that it has nothing to do with the formation of the new government, seldom has the RSS been at the centre of activity at such a crucial juncture.
In fact, the BJP’s multiple nodes of power are not the only casualty of the new dispensation. The very headquarters of the party, which has always been its focus, seems to have gone into disuse ever since the BJP won the election. Instead, Gujarat Bhawan, where Modi has been staying, has emerged as the BJP’s new headquarters.
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But as the Bharatiya Janata Party has been voted to power once again, there appears to be little scope for discussion. The process of government formation has rarely been so opaque, political observers say. According to the BJP insiders, not even those considered close to Modi have any idea as to what is brewing in the mind of the Prime Minister-designate. A BJP leader who met Modi after the declaration of the election results had this to say: “He just listened and did not say anything. And once my time was over, he stood up with a smile on his face. And that was it.”
Though senior BJP leaders have had one-to-one meetings over the last couple of days, these were no more than stock-taking and confidence-building exercises, party insiders say. On Monday, for example, Sushma Swaraj met Modi and party president Rajnath Singh separately. The same day Uma Bharati and Gopinath Munde held closed-door meetings with Rajnath Singh.
The core committee of Rajnath Singh, Arun Jaitley and Nitin Gadkari, formed to oversee the formation of Modi’s cabinet, is said to exist only in name. Amit Shah, Modi’s close confidante and a fellow Gujarati, is the main link between the Prime Minister-designate and the other party leaders.
Until recently, the BJP had the culture of nurturing multiple power centres, a culture that was encouraged by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the parent of the Hindutva group of organisations to which the saffron party belongs. But that culture has now been subverted, as is obvious from the manner in which Modi is proceeding with the cabinet formation exercise. “A single man now possesses all the authority and enjoys the complete backing of the RSS,” a senior BJP leader told journalists recently.
Modi’s centralised style of functioning has been facilitated by his close links with the top ranks of the RSS. The organisation’s chief, Mohan Bhagawat, is said to have tremendous faith in the new prime minister. “Modi, therefore, enjoys huge leg room in so far as the formation of his government is concerned,” said a senior RSS official on condition of anonymity.
The frequency with which BJP leaders have been meeting RSS officials since the declaration of election results is unusual. Though the RSS has issued statements claiming that it has nothing to do with the formation of the new government, seldom has the RSS been at the centre of activity at such a crucial juncture.
In fact, the BJP’s multiple nodes of power are not the only casualty of the new dispensation. The very headquarters of the party, which has always been its focus, seems to have gone into disuse ever since the BJP won the election. Instead, Gujarat Bhawan, where Modi has been staying, has emerged as the BJP’s new headquarters.
