It was at the time we were staying on the premises of the Malayala Manorama in Kottayam. Night had not yet fallen. I was upstairs, studying. I was aware that downstairs, Appachen’s (KC Mammen Mappillai) friends had come as usual to see him. I recognized TM Varghese’s voice. With him was his inseparable companion, C Kesavan. Both these men later stamped their names indelibly on the political history of the country – C Kesavan became the chief minister and TM Varghese, a minister.
PS George of Thiruvalla, the wealthy owner of a cashew factory, was also with them. They had all arrived in George’s car. PS George, one of the most intelligent men in Kerala, was highly influential in the University of Kerala as a member of the [Kerala] University Syndicate for over a quarter of a century and his brother, PS Abraham, was the university registrar during that period. Had he not lost to PK Vasudevan Nair in the Thiruvalla Lok Sabha constituency, George would have become a giant in national politics.
Appachen read, wrote and received guests in a room which was both his living room and his office. Betel-leaf stains that looked like bright red chethi flowers were found around his favourite planter’s chair. There were a few cane chairs for the guests. The aroma of frying eggs and simmering chicken curry being prepared for the visitors would waft from the kitchen to this room.
Actually, Appachen would have told Ammachi that a meal had to be served for the guests just a short while earlier.
“Varghese vakkil and some others have come. We need dinner for five people.” No sooner would Appachen have said this than Ammachi would have begun activities in the kitchen. The dishes would be simple but delicious and piping hot. Ever since Appachen and Ammachi started living in their home on the Malayala Manorama premises, Ammachi had become used to preparing such instant meals.
The leaders who had come home that night were explaining the political scenario in Travancore to Appachen and trying their best to convince him about something. TM Varghese was telling Appachen that the new government reforms in Travancore were mainly directed at pleasing certain people connected to the palace.
TM Varghese and C Kesavan had obviously come in order to personally describe to Appachen the uneasiness smouldering in Travancore because of these so-called reforms that were being effected by the government. They wanted to make sure he would extend his support and cooperation to the All Travancore Joint Political Committee that had been formed to oppose these proposals.
Since both men were close friends of Appachen, they evidently convinced him of the seriousness of the situation. For a while, I did not hear any voices from the room. Maybe Appachen was wondering what to do, and his friends were awaiting his decision.
Until then, Appachen had nurtured only the natural interest a newspaper editor has in politics. Although he was active as a member of the legislative assembly, he had no political ambition. In the legislative assembly, he reacted mainly against issues of social distress and injustice and sought attention for matters concerned with development.
The Freedom of Movement Resolution connected to the Vaikom Satyagraha was presented by N Kumaran on 2 October, 1924. He had succeeded the famous poet Kumaran Asan as general secretary of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP Yogam).
Appachen made a speech at that time, which became historic, claiming that it was the basic right of every human being to have freedom of movement. CV Kunjuraman wrote an editorial in the Kerala Kaumudi of 13 February 1925 praising this speech. The Freedom of Movement Resolution was defeated by just one vote. Parameswaran, the brother of Dr Palppu, who was instrumental in the formation of the SNDP, voted against the resolution.
The Vaikom agitation was the first important movement to be organised in Travancore that aimed at doing away with laws related to untouchability.
The satyagraha began on 30 March 1924. This movement sought permission for Hindus of “backward” castes to walk freely on the roads around the Vaikom temple. When Mahatma Gandhi came to participate in it, the Vaikom satyagraha received national attention.
I recall the support the Malayala Manorama extended to this movement. The editorial published on 29 March 1924, a day before the satyagraha, under the headline “The Eradication of Untouchability in Travancore”, marked a true beginning for the Vaikom satyagraha. It was one of the first editorials to be written by a newspaper in support of this movement.
From the editorial:
On this occasion, when all the higher castes of India are endeavouring whole-heartedly to disregard the anger arising from the thought that touch can pollute, it is absolutely essential to somehow banish the demon of untouchability from the country.
In the editorial of 1 April 1924, the Malayala Manorama first described all the events that took place after the satyagraha started and then assessed the situation:
It is not proper for the Travancore government to insist that the evil custom of untouchability be observed in the twentieth century. There is no lawful connection between religion and untouchability. The Sastras themselves say that differences in caste came about because of qualities of character and variations in occupation . . .
. . . On this occasion, when the people of Bharat are raising their voices in protest against a foreign government in the cause of the right of all citizens to equality, it is not a matter of pride that we have to raise a similar protest against our own government. Therefore, we trust the government will put its heart and soul into taking a decision that will benefit the lower castes as soon as possible and not allow the agitation that has started in Vaikom to continue.
On 23 November 1925, a decision which became a milestone in Kerala’s social renaissance was taken: freedom of movement was permitted in answer to a protest movement that had lasted 603 days.
On that day, the roads leading to the Vaikom temple were thrown open to all Hindus, irrespective of caste. As a result of the many protest movements that were launched in several places demanding the right to walk on all roads, the paths to every temple in Travancore had to be thrown open to all Hindus, irrespective of caste, by 1928.
And it was Appachen, my father, who demanded in the Travancore Legislative Council that all waterways and bathing ghats be thrown open to people of all castes.
The discussions that he conducted and the suggestions he offered on many matters, starting with government reforms, are splendid records of the proceedings of the legislative council. Appachen also made the social conscience of the time constantly audible through the Malayala Manorama.
That night, in Kottayam, Appachen took the most important decision of his life: that he would secretly support the movement that took shape later as the Abstention Movement. Did I hear the sound of his friends clapping their hands in joy? I do not remember clearly . . .
It was on the same night that the way was paved for Appachen’s public life to merge with that of Travancore and for the tragic times we went through later.
The meetings held at night in the Malayala Manorama grew longer after that. It became a regular routine for TM Varghese, C Kesavan and the others to come home every Saturday by dusk.
The discussions that took place in the Malayala Manorama during this period determined the political destiny of Travancore. Appachen held the senior-most position in those informal talks. Many decisions that created a tumult in Travancore politics later and propelled the state forward through stormy times were the fruit of those discussions.
The Abstention Movement was born from the discussions that took place in that room in the Malayala Manorama.
Excerpted with permission from The Eighth Ring: An Autobiography, KM Mathew, Penguin Viking.
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PS George of Thiruvalla, the wealthy owner of a cashew factory, was also with them. They had all arrived in George’s car. PS George, one of the most intelligent men in Kerala, was highly influential in the University of Kerala as a member of the [Kerala] University Syndicate for over a quarter of a century and his brother, PS Abraham, was the university registrar during that period. Had he not lost to PK Vasudevan Nair in the Thiruvalla Lok Sabha constituency, George would have become a giant in national politics.
Appachen read, wrote and received guests in a room which was both his living room and his office. Betel-leaf stains that looked like bright red chethi flowers were found around his favourite planter’s chair. There were a few cane chairs for the guests. The aroma of frying eggs and simmering chicken curry being prepared for the visitors would waft from the kitchen to this room.
Actually, Appachen would have told Ammachi that a meal had to be served for the guests just a short while earlier.
“Varghese vakkil and some others have come. We need dinner for five people.” No sooner would Appachen have said this than Ammachi would have begun activities in the kitchen. The dishes would be simple but delicious and piping hot. Ever since Appachen and Ammachi started living in their home on the Malayala Manorama premises, Ammachi had become used to preparing such instant meals.
The leaders who had come home that night were explaining the political scenario in Travancore to Appachen and trying their best to convince him about something. TM Varghese was telling Appachen that the new government reforms in Travancore were mainly directed at pleasing certain people connected to the palace.
TM Varghese and C Kesavan had obviously come in order to personally describe to Appachen the uneasiness smouldering in Travancore because of these so-called reforms that were being effected by the government. They wanted to make sure he would extend his support and cooperation to the All Travancore Joint Political Committee that had been formed to oppose these proposals.
Since both men were close friends of Appachen, they evidently convinced him of the seriousness of the situation. For a while, I did not hear any voices from the room. Maybe Appachen was wondering what to do, and his friends were awaiting his decision.
Until then, Appachen had nurtured only the natural interest a newspaper editor has in politics. Although he was active as a member of the legislative assembly, he had no political ambition. In the legislative assembly, he reacted mainly against issues of social distress and injustice and sought attention for matters concerned with development.
The Freedom of Movement Resolution connected to the Vaikom Satyagraha was presented by N Kumaran on 2 October, 1924. He had succeeded the famous poet Kumaran Asan as general secretary of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP Yogam).
Appachen made a speech at that time, which became historic, claiming that it was the basic right of every human being to have freedom of movement. CV Kunjuraman wrote an editorial in the Kerala Kaumudi of 13 February 1925 praising this speech. The Freedom of Movement Resolution was defeated by just one vote. Parameswaran, the brother of Dr Palppu, who was instrumental in the formation of the SNDP, voted against the resolution.
The Vaikom agitation was the first important movement to be organised in Travancore that aimed at doing away with laws related to untouchability.
The satyagraha began on 30 March 1924. This movement sought permission for Hindus of “backward” castes to walk freely on the roads around the Vaikom temple. When Mahatma Gandhi came to participate in it, the Vaikom satyagraha received national attention.
I recall the support the Malayala Manorama extended to this movement. The editorial published on 29 March 1924, a day before the satyagraha, under the headline “The Eradication of Untouchability in Travancore”, marked a true beginning for the Vaikom satyagraha. It was one of the first editorials to be written by a newspaper in support of this movement.
From the editorial:
On this occasion, when all the higher castes of India are endeavouring whole-heartedly to disregard the anger arising from the thought that touch can pollute, it is absolutely essential to somehow banish the demon of untouchability from the country.
In the editorial of 1 April 1924, the Malayala Manorama first described all the events that took place after the satyagraha started and then assessed the situation:
It is not proper for the Travancore government to insist that the evil custom of untouchability be observed in the twentieth century. There is no lawful connection between religion and untouchability. The Sastras themselves say that differences in caste came about because of qualities of character and variations in occupation . . .
. . . On this occasion, when the people of Bharat are raising their voices in protest against a foreign government in the cause of the right of all citizens to equality, it is not a matter of pride that we have to raise a similar protest against our own government. Therefore, we trust the government will put its heart and soul into taking a decision that will benefit the lower castes as soon as possible and not allow the agitation that has started in Vaikom to continue.
On 23 November 1925, a decision which became a milestone in Kerala’s social renaissance was taken: freedom of movement was permitted in answer to a protest movement that had lasted 603 days.
On that day, the roads leading to the Vaikom temple were thrown open to all Hindus, irrespective of caste. As a result of the many protest movements that were launched in several places demanding the right to walk on all roads, the paths to every temple in Travancore had to be thrown open to all Hindus, irrespective of caste, by 1928.
And it was Appachen, my father, who demanded in the Travancore Legislative Council that all waterways and bathing ghats be thrown open to people of all castes.
The discussions that he conducted and the suggestions he offered on many matters, starting with government reforms, are splendid records of the proceedings of the legislative council. Appachen also made the social conscience of the time constantly audible through the Malayala Manorama.
That night, in Kottayam, Appachen took the most important decision of his life: that he would secretly support the movement that took shape later as the Abstention Movement. Did I hear the sound of his friends clapping their hands in joy? I do not remember clearly . . .
It was on the same night that the way was paved for Appachen’s public life to merge with that of Travancore and for the tragic times we went through later.
The meetings held at night in the Malayala Manorama grew longer after that. It became a regular routine for TM Varghese, C Kesavan and the others to come home every Saturday by dusk.
The discussions that took place in the Malayala Manorama during this period determined the political destiny of Travancore. Appachen held the senior-most position in those informal talks. Many decisions that created a tumult in Travancore politics later and propelled the state forward through stormy times were the fruit of those discussions.
The Abstention Movement was born from the discussions that took place in that room in the Malayala Manorama.
Excerpted with permission from The Eighth Ring: An Autobiography, KM Mathew, Penguin Viking.
