The formation of the coalition called the United Liberation Front of Western South East Asia can be seen as an attempt by separatist groups to boost the flagging campaign for independence of the Northeast and the contiguous Naga region in Myanmar. The UNLFW and the recent operations against the security forces could be a prelude to the setting up of a government in exile by these rebel groups from the Northeast and Myanmar. These developments come amid reports that China has begun actively backing the separatist groups and the idea of a government in exile has come from the big neighbour.

… Before long, a motorcycle arrived to take Baba (Khaplang) to a village for a meeting.

When he returned in the evening, preparations were on in full swing at the camp for the Christmas party the following day. At midnight, the bells at the nearby church announced Lord Jesus’ 2011th birthday. A few gunshots were fired, people shouted and cheered. But things went quiet after a while and I went to sleep thinking of the Baptist missionaries who had dared to venture into these wilds more than a hundred years ago for proselytization.

The next morning, I sat next to (Paresh) Baruah and (Jibon) Moran for some time in the temporary shed that had been erected for the Christmas function. It started with a gospel choir and concluded with a brief address by Baba. The top functionaries of all the organizations were present. At an opportune moment, I broached the topic of the United Front, told him all I knew, and asked Baruah for details.

Baruah’s reply made me both happy and sad. A football match celebrating the alliance had been scheduled for 30 December, which Moran had hinted to me about. Nine groups were to participate, with Baruah himself in action, at the field near the ULFA camp. A meeting of the top functionaries was supposed to precede the match, but this had been postponed for ‘security reasons’, and would now be held sometime next year.

‘Do tell me more about the new initiative,’ I requested Baruah.

‘Our topmost priority now is to bring all revolutionary groups of the region fighting against India on a common platform. There are fourteen organizations in all that are with us, but we will not bring groups from Nepal, Sri Lanka and other countries because our struggle is not against those governments,’ he replied.

‘But why now?’

‘We have seen what has happened in the past. See the Nagas. They have been fighting for so long against India but nothing has been achieved so far. The movement in Manipur had also started early, but the results have not been very encouraging. On the other hand, there were divisions in Nagaland and Manipur. We have now realized that, without unity, it may not be easy to defeat India.’

‘What kind of cooperation do you expect among the groups?’

‘All kinds … political, military and in many other aspects. Anything that would further our objective. Soon there will be a government in exile. There will be a constitution and a joint command as well.’

‘But do you really think such an alliance can actually take off and produce desired results?’

‘We are hopeful and that’s why we have undertaken this endeavour. Why? Do you have doubts?’ Baruah asked.

‘In these fourteen groups, there are some who believe in class struggle as well … you know the groups I am referring to. There’s one in particular and it is very well organized. ULFA would definitely not like to propagate class struggle in Assam simultaneously with what you call the “national liberation movement”?’

‘As I have already said, we have common enemies and this will help us forge a bond and continue the campaign together. So far, no outfit has opposed the idea,’ he replied as he got up to join Baba for lunch.

‘Well, I suppose some kind of an alliance had always existed among the groups in eastern Nagaland. It is necessary to remain in close touch with each other here and that perhaps explains why the camps are located in close proximity. But it remains to be seen if a joint campaign would actually be possible in the north-east,’ I said.

‘Yes, now it will be strengthened and taken to a higher level. Wait and watch, and you will see the results.’

Some Manipuri cadres began to film the event. I looked away, trying to avoid being filmed, but then realized it was futile. Pradip, who was with me, reminded me that the footage might soon land up with the intelligence agencies. Both of us were dressed in jungle fatigues and I realized that the agencies could even make a case against us and accuse us of being ULFA activists masquerading as journalists. For the time being though, there was no point in worrying. So we put aside our worries and got busy with the food: rice with pork, buffalo, fish, dried-fish chutney and boiled vegetables.

There was a crowd waiting outside for their turn; an entire village had converged to partake of the celebrations. It was an honour for them to be invited by Baba and many were hoping to talk to him. When he emerged, with some other elderly people, he was surrounded. People grabbed his hands. They spoke to him. He said something in return that made everyone laugh heartily.

The elderly lot were Baba’s ardent supporters: they were simple, knew little, asked few questions and made hardly any demands. All they knew was to contribute to and sacrifice for the cause of independence. For most of them, independence was an object that would come after years of struggle and bloodshed. It would mean total detachment from the Myanmarese army and the beginning of an era when Lord Jesus would be more compassionate and caring. For some who had some awareness about what was going on, it implied a free nation allied with the north-eastern states of India. However, for the majority, it just meant peace, prosperity and a GPRN regime that would have a firmer footing.

If Baruah was discreet and reserved, Baba was quite the opposite.

He never minced words or hesitated when asked a question. Except when he had to recollect incidents that happened in the distant past, he reacted spontaneously to everything I asked him. He was available to everybody, and his followers were easily able to identify with him. Baba continued to tour the villages regularly and sometimes even went to far-off destinations in the hills using a “helicopter” – a bamboo mat carried by four persons, somewhat like a palanquin. His deep sense of commitment had endeared him to his people, and his trustworthiness had earned him the respect of all the rebels. In short, he was something of a godfather-like figure in the region.

As I looked on at Baba and his interactions with people, I thought about his life and achievements – a life away from family, spent entirely in the jungles. It was no mean job to unify the hostile Naga tribes and put an end to headhunting, which had been a defining aspect of their culture for centuries. It must have been equally challenging to resist the Myanmarese army and make them understand the futility of continuing with their brutal campaign in Naga-inhabited areas.

Our time was running out though. We shook hands with Khaplang and his secretaries, and returned to our camp.

The people in this story

- Sangwang Sangnyu Khaplang, aka Baba: Chairman of NSCN(K) and an ally of ULFA, NDFB and some rebel outfits of Manipur.

- Paresh Baruah: Chief of staff of the ULFA faction that continues to campaign for the independence of Assam and the north-east.

- Jibon Moran: Second-in-command and the senior-most member of the ULFA faction that continues to fight for independence of Assam and the north-east.

- Joseph: S.S. Khaplang’s secretary.

Excerpted with permission from Rendezvous with Rebels: Journey to Meet India’s Most Wanted Men, Rajeev Bhattacharyya, HarperCollins India.