The Congress Legislature Party – with 47 MLAs in a 60-member house – has cracked into two rival factions in the recent past. Those in support of Tuki are stationed in Itanagar, the capital city, making regular appearances before the media with the chief minister in tow. And those seeking a change of guard, citing “ineffective governance”, have been camping in Delhi for the past three months.
In this contest, political manoeuvrings are no longer in the shadows.
In the last few weeks, Tuki has sacked four cabinet colleagues for “absenting” themselves from office and booted out four parliamentary secretaries. While their replacements have been found and inducted, not everybody is convinced that the crisis is over.
On October 27, Tourism Minister Pema Khandu resigned but not before writing a scathing letter to Tuki: “I am to bring to your knowledge that the Government under your leadership has miserably failed to live up to the expectations of the general public of Arunachal Pradesh. There is no democracy within the Party MLAs nor political stability due to which governance in the State is at its lowest.”
Besides Khandu, three chairmen of government boards have resigned. Even for keen political watchers, it is becoming difficult to keep track of the comings and goings.
Early elections
Dissidence against Nabam Tuki seriously bubbled up first in early 2014. Sensing trouble, he dissolved the legislative assembly months before the expiry of its term in October, and recommended state polls simultaneously with the general elections. That masterstroke paid rich dividends. The Congress returned with an overwhelming majority of 42 MLAs, and five more legislators joined it later with the merger of the People’s Party of Arunachal.
The conviviality, however, did not last very long.
The political drama started again early this year, with the sacking of Health Minister Kalikho Pul, a chief ministerial aspirant who was reportedly canvassing to dethrone Tuki. The Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee promptly expelled him for six years for anti-party activities in April. But Pul took the party to court and got a stay on the expulsion order. This set the tone for further ferment.
Last month, the Speaker of the Assembly, Nabam Rebia, who is also a cousin of the chief minister, “accepted” the resignation letter of Congress MLAs Wanglin Sawin and Gabriel D Wangsu. On October 5, the Assembly Secretariat issued a notification dated October 1 declaring that the two MLAs had resigned from the membership of the assembly. Sawin and Wangsu, however, claimed that Chief Minister Tuki had forced them to quit at a dinner party on September 16, and were withdrawing the resignation. The two have got a stay from the High Court on the Secretariat notification.
Corruption charges
Chief Minister Nabam Tuki, a staunch Congressman, first came to power in November 2011, replacing his predecessor Jarbom Gamlin. During the last four years, he has managed to keep his chair, despite charges of graft and nepotism, largely because of his apparent closeness to the Congress high command.
In a case pending before the Supreme Court, he is accused of awarding valuable government contracts to his relatives and wife. The High Court had in September recommended an inquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation into the case, but this was stayed by the Supreme Court. A final verdict is awaited.
Besides this, the chief minister is also accused of going soft on a few political appointees who have gained notoriety in Arunachal Pradesh for allegedly using their office to seek undue favours.
It remains to be seen how the chief minister will tide over the infighting that has shadowed him for much of his four-year reign. The challenge is bigger this time. The opposition to his leadership is no longer just a grumble shared in the corridors of power, it is out in the open.