note demonetisation

Demonetisation: Maharashtra farmers are destroying tomato crops on a scale never seen before

One in every four tomatoes in India comes from the state’s Nashik district.

On Christmas morning, barely 24 hours after Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundation of the Rs 3,600 crores Shivaji statue in Mumbai, Yashwant and Hirabai Bendkule were slashing and uprooting the tomato vines on their farm in Dhondegaon village of Maharashtra’s Nashik district, just 200 km away.

“Since over a month, tomato prices have collapsed,” Yashwant muttered, explaining why the Adivasi couple was destroying a perfectly good crop in which they had invested over Rs 20,000 and labour. “Even leaving the crop standing means a loss for us.”

They will sow wheat in the cleared land.

“At least we will have food to eat in the summer,” said Hirabai.

With the cash crunch following Modi’s November 8 demonetisation announcement, already low tomato prices tanked. The prices of tomato at the Girnare mandi, 20 km from Nashik city, now range from 50 paise to Rs 2 per kg. So low that farmers cannot even recover the cost of harvesting and transporting their produce. Retail prices hover between Rs 6 and Rs 10 a kg. Across Nashik, a key horticultural district of India, frustrated farmers are uprooting crops, dumping produce, and allowing cattle to graze in vegetable fields, in which they had invested anywhere between Rs 30,000 and Rs 1.5 lakhs per acre this monsoon.

Adivasi farmers Hirabai and Yashwant Bendkule slashing their tomato crop in Dhondegaon village.

Good rates last year ranging from Rs 300 to Rs 750 per crate (20 kg) saw more farmers sowing tomato with high hopes in monsoon 2016. By October, they realised that with good weather, no major pest attacks, and the number of tomato growers increasing, there would be an abundant harvest. So, rates might be favourable, but would not match those of the previous year. Several farmers said rates were decent over Dussehra and just break-even until Diwali (in the end of October), at about Rs 130 per crate.

However, with the outlawing of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, harvest arrivals met a severe scarcity of legal tender, driving down purchases and prices.

“Rates fell by November 11, and have never recovered,” said Nitin Gaikar, a Girnare-based farmer.

They have fallen to a range of Rs 10 to Rs 40 a crate since then. Gaikar pointed out that cash fuels the entire rural agricultural economy, including transactions among farmers, traders, transporters, retailers of farm inputs and labourers.

With the outlawing of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, abundant harvest arrivals met a severe paucity of legal tender, driving down purchases and prices.
With the outlawing of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, abundant harvest arrivals met a severe paucity of legal tender, driving down purchases and prices.

District authorities do not appear too worried.

“It’s a free market, and we cannot control it day-in, day-out,” said Nashik collector B Radhakrishnan. “Prices are a purely market-driven activity.”

Rural households, however, are deeply concerned.

“I spent Rs 2 lakhs on my two acre tomato plot, but have not recovered even Rs 30,000 yet,” said farmer Ganesh Bobde.

Said another farmer, Somnath Thete, as we walked through his bountiful plot, with three cows grazing on the tomato vines: “There are hardly any buyers, which is why I have let my cows graze on the tomato crops.”

With hardly any buyers, farmer Somnath Thete has let his cows graze on his tomato crop.
With hardly any buyers, farmer Somnath Thete has let his cows graze on his tomato crop.

Yogesh Gaikar, who planted tomato across his 10-acre farm last year, was visibly agitated.

“I have sold 2,000 crates so far, most of them at a loss,” he said. “It is due to this note ka lafdaa [mess]. Just when we were about to make some money, Modi has kicked us.”

Roughly every fourth tomato sold across the country this kharif season came from Nashik. Government of India data indicate that 24% of tomatoes sold by weight between September 1, 2016 and January 2, 2017, were from this district (that is, 3.4 lakh of 14.3 lakh tons).

Resigned to volatile prices and income insecurity for years, neither distress sales nor dumping of produce is new for farmers. But the region has never seen destruction of a standing crop on this scale, said Dnyaneshwar Ugale, the Nashik-based correspondent for the Marathi agrarian daily Agrowon.

“Farmers’ production costs are on average Rs 90 per crate,” he said. “If all they are getting is Rs 15 to Rs 40, imagine the kind of losses they are incurring.”

Ugale’s calculation, based on arrivals in the five mandis (agricultural marketyards) of Nashik district, pegs farmers’ losses at around Rs 100 crores so far.

And the official reckoning?

Bhaskar Rahane, agriculture supervisor at the District Superintendent of Agriculture Office, Nashik, said their estimates of tomato acreage and production in the district ended at 2011-’12.

“There is no system to capture farmers’ losses,” he said. “Farmers should keep track of their incomes themselves, the way they track other expenses.”

The current rate for tomato does not even cover my cost of harvesting the produce', says Adivasi farmer Dattu Bendkule

The dusty maidan that is Girnare mandi, a leading tomato hub, is unusually subdued for this time of the year. The approach roads, usually jammed with tractors laden with tomatoes, are ominously clear. Most of the traders from outside Maharashtra who annually set camp here from October to December, and purchase and transport tomatoes all across India, left early.

Among them was Rahat Jaan, now back in his home in Amroha in Uttar Pradesh.

“I have an ICICI bank account in Nashik city,” he said over the phone. “But they gave only Rs 50,000 over eight days. I need cash of Rs 1 lakh to Rs 3 lakh for daily business.”

He added: “As long as old notes were being accepted by farmers and petrol pumps, we managed somewhat. But for the shortage of notes, I would have purchased tomatoes for another 15 days.”

The upcountry traders gone, the mandi currently sees only local buyers from places like Vashi and Virar near Mumbai. But they too are struggling with low prices and the cash crunch.

These correspondents watched Pimpalgaon-based trader Kailash Salve buy 100 crates of tomato for Rs 4,000.

“I don’t have more currency,” he said, “So I could not buy more.” He told us he was exploring buyers in Surat in Gujarat.

He added: “Last year, around this time, we had done business in tomatoes of Rs 50 lakhs and earned Rs 3 lakhs. This year we have only bought Rs 10 lakhs of produce so far, and incurred losses on it.”

Two days later, he sold the tomatoes to a Surat buyer at a loss.

Over the past 15 years, tomato has become this region’s aspirational crop, after grapes. However small the landholding, as long as they have some access to capital and water, Adivasi and Maratha farmers (such as Bendkule and Gaikar) look to plant tomato. Consequently, the tomato market’s collapse is ruinous. Some traders like Jaan argue that overproduction, too, has pushed rates lower. Farmers say this might be the case, but point out that they are getting rock-bottom rates even for vegetables that were not planted as widely.

Left: Yogesh Gaikar said,
Left: Yogesh Gaikar said, "Just when we were about to make some money, Modi has kicked us." Right: For many like Yashwant Bendkule in Nashik, even leaving the crop standing would mean a loss.

“Look at cauliflower, brinjal, coriander, bottle gourd whose price has not collapsed in the past weeks?” asked Nana Achari, an Adivasi small farmer from Dhondegaon village.

Achari took 20 crates of brinjal to the mandi in Nashik city 20 days ago, but returned without finding a buyer. The next day he sold the entire consignment for Rs 500 at the Vashi mandi, leaving him with just Rs 30, after deducting transportation costs. Another farmer, Keru Kasbe from Vadgaon village, told us he sold 700 kg of brinjal at Vashi eight days ago. He made Rs 200, net.

Some traders are paying farmers by cheque. But diesel has to be purchased, labourers paid, fertilisers bought. Neither farmers nor traders here have the time to deposit cheques, and then stand in long queues to withdraw cash. That too, just Rs 2,000 at a time, usually in one new note. Besides, farmers do not trust cheques. Vijay Kasbe, forced to take one since his trader did not have currency, told us that he would be helpless if it bounced.

A cheque in the name of Vijay Kasbe's father – he was forced to take one since his trader did not have currency, but would be helpless if it bounced
A cheque in the name of Vijay Kasbe's father – he was forced to take one since his trader did not have currency, but would be helpless if it bounced

Crashing prices and the currency crunch have had cascading consequences. Adivasi labourers are not finding enough work, and the Rs 2,000 note adds insult to injury.

“To get change, the shopkeeper wants us to spend over Rs 1,100,” said Rajaram Bendkule. “The petrol pump owner says fill for at least Rs 300.”

His aunt said darkly: “Bring all that petrol home, let us drink it.”

Retailers of farm inputs are deeply anxious.

“My whole business depends on that,” said Aba Kadam, a retailer, gesturing towards the mandi. “I am hit on both counts. Since farmers are destroying their standing crop, they are not buying inputs from me now. And since they are not making money in sales, I can’t recover the credit I had advanced to them in the growing season.”

On December 30, the 50-day window Modi had asked the country for when he announced demonetisation ended.

On New Year’s Eve, expectation levels matched the distress.

Modi should deposit money in our accounts to compensate for the losses we are incurring, said one farmer. Karza maafi (loan waiver), said another. Lower interest rates for crop loans, demanded a third.

However, Modi did not address farm distress and losses in his December 31 speech to the nation.

All eyes are now on the grape crop which will be harvested, starting end-January. Good rates will see grape farmers earn some profits. Retailers like Kadam will recover some of their advances. Traders, however, are not optimistic. Jaan said unless the currency scarcity ends soon, he would be unable to purchase from farmers. A gloomy Salve believes grape prices will also tank.

Photos and videos: Chitrangada Choudhury.

This article first appeared in the People’s Archive of Rural India on January 4, 2017.

We welcome your comments at
Sponsored Content BY 

Relying on the power of habits to solve India’s mammoth sanitation problem

Adopting three simple habits can help maximise the benefits of existing sanitation infrastructure.

India’s sanitation problem is well documented – the country was recently declared as having the highest number of people living without basic sanitation facilities. Sanitation encompasses all conditions relating to public health - especially sewage disposal and access to clean drinking water. Due to associated losses in productivity caused by sickness, increased healthcare costs and increased mortality, India recorded a loss of 5.2% of its GDP to poor sanitation in 2015. As tremendous as the economic losses are, the on-ground, human consequences of poor sanitation are grim - about one in 10 deaths, according to the World Bank.

Poor sanitation contributes to about 10% of the world’s disease burden and is linked to even those diseases that may not present any correlation at first. For example, while lack of nutrition is a direct cause of anaemia, poor sanitation can contribute to the problem by causing intestinal diseases which prevent people from absorbing nutrition from their food. In fact, a study found a correlation between improved sanitation and reduced prevalence of anaemia in 14 Indian states. Diarrhoeal diseases, the most well-known consequence of poor sanitation, are the third largest cause of child mortality in India. They are also linked to undernutrition and stunting in children - 38% of Indian children exhibit stunted growth. Improved sanitation can also help reduce prevalence of neglected tropical diseases (NTDs). Though not a cause of high mortality rate, NTDs impair physical and cognitive development, contribute to mother and child illness and death and affect overall productivity. NTDs caused by parasitic worms - such as hookworms, whipworms etc. - infect millions every year and spread through open defecation. Improving toilet access and access to clean drinking water can significantly boost disease control programmes for diarrhoea, NTDs and other correlated conditions.

Unfortunately, with about 732 million people who have no access to toilets, India currently accounts for more than half of the world population that defecates in the open. India also accounts for the largest rural population living without access to clean water. Only 16% of India’s rural population is currently served by piped water.

However, there is cause for optimism. In the three years of Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, the country’s sanitation coverage has risen from 39% to 65% and eight states and Union Territories have been declared open defecation free. But lasting change cannot be ensured by the proliferation of sanitation infrastructure alone. Ensuring the usage of toilets is as important as building them, more so due to the cultural preference for open defecation in rural India.

According to the World Bank, hygiene promotion is essential to realise the potential of infrastructure investments in sanitation. Behavioural intervention is most successful when it targets few behaviours with the most potential for impact. An area of public health where behavioural training has made an impact is WASH - water, sanitation and hygiene - a key issue of UN Sustainable Development Goal 6. Compliance to WASH practices has the potential to reduce illness and death, poverty and improve overall socio-economic development. The UN has even marked observance days for each - World Water Day for water (22 March), World Toilet Day for sanitation (19 November) and Global Handwashing Day for hygiene (15 October).

At its simplest, the benefits of WASH can be availed through three simple habits that safeguard against disease - washing hands before eating, drinking clean water and using a clean toilet. Handwashing and use of toilets are some of the most important behavioural interventions that keep diarrhoeal diseases from spreading, while clean drinking water is essential to prevent water-borne diseases and adverse health effects of toxic contaminants. In India, Hindustan Unilever Limited launched the Swachh Aadat Swachh Bharat initiative, a WASH behaviour change programme, to complement the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan. Through its on-ground behaviour change model, SASB seeks to promote the three basic WASH habits to create long-lasting personal hygiene compliance among the populations it serves.

This touching film made as a part of SASB’s awareness campaign shows how lack of knowledge of basic hygiene practices means children miss out on developmental milestones due to preventable diseases.


SASB created the Swachhata curriculum, a textbook to encourage adoption of personal hygiene among school going children. It makes use of conceptual learning to teach primary school students about cleanliness, germs and clean habits in an engaging manner. Swachh Basti is an extensive urban outreach programme for sensitising urban slum residents about WASH habits through demos, skits and etc. in partnership with key local stakeholders such as doctors, anganwadi workers and support groups. In Ghatkopar, Mumbai, HUL built the first-of-its-kind Suvidha Centre - an urban water, hygiene and sanitation community centre. It provides toilets, handwashing and shower facilities, safe drinking water and state-of-the-art laundry operations at an affordable cost to about 1,500 residents of the area.

HUL’s factory workers also act as Swachhata Doots, or messengers of change who teach the three habits of WASH in their own villages. This mobile-led rural behaviour change communication model also provides a volunteering opportunity to those who are busy but wish to make a difference. A toolkit especially designed for this purpose helps volunteers approach, explain and teach people in their immediate vicinity - their drivers, cooks, domestic helps etc. - about the three simple habits for better hygiene. This helps cast the net of awareness wider as regular interaction is conducive to habit formation. To learn more about their volunteering programme, click here. To learn more about the Swachh Aadat Swachh Bharat initiative, click here.

This article was produced by the Scroll marketing team on behalf of Hindustan Unilever and not by the Scroll editorial team.