The political transition within the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, following its leader Jayalalithaa’s death on December 5, has brought about unsavoury changes in governance that runs against Tamil Nadu’s valued traditions.
On December 21, the Income Tax department chose to raid the residence and offices of former Chief Secretary P Rama Mohana Rao. These were unprecedented scenes. Barring Delhi in 2015, political analysts cannot recollect another occasion when a central agency moved into the seat of power of a state government and conducted raids on its top bureaucrat.
In Delhi, Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal launched a full-blown attack on the Centre for the Central Bureau of Investigation searching the offices of his Principal Secretary Rajendra Kumar in December 2015.
But in Tamil Nadu, there was not even a whimper, leave alone condemnation, from the ruling party against such action. The IT sleuths came to Chennai with central paramilitary protection, raising questions on whether the state government was even informed about a high-stakes operation in its territory.
This has left many observers stunned as Tamil Nadu has a tradition of fighting for federal rights and keeping Centre’s adventurous transgressions at bay.
This feeble reaction has brought Chief Minister O Panneerselvam under sharp focus. While media reports over the last week, like this one in the Times of India, suggested that he was asserting himself in the administration, Panneerselvam has not exhibited any signs in public of transforming into a strong leader. In the party too, he played to the script and undermined his own position by endorsing Sasikala Natarajan, the close aide of Jayalalithaa, as AIADMK’s next general secretary.
Barring brief intervals, Sasikala had lived with Jayalalithaa at the Poes Garden residence for over three decades. Flanked by her family members, some of who own large businesses, she performed Jayalalithaa’s final rites.
Exhibiting weakness
Political analysts feel if Panneerselvam had really wanted to assert himself as the chief minister, the IT raids were a golden chance. Had he condemned the IT department’s move to search the chief secretary’s office at Fort St George, the seat of power in Tamil Nadu, it could have boosted his image. Instead, Panneerselvam chose to silently change the chief secretary and leave matters to rest. The searches also came a day after he met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, raising questions on whether he was informed of the move and still let the sleuths move into the secretariat.
R Manivannan, professor of political science at the University of Madras, said calling Panneerselvam “assertive” was gross exaggeration.
He said as chief minister, it was Panneerselvam’s duty to condemn Cabinet colleagues who were openly campaigning for Sasikala Natarajan to take over his post. Last week, three ministers dramatically decided to tonsure their heads at Jayalalithaa’s memorial urging Sasikala to become the chief minister. Later, they also gave media interviews reiterating their wishes. Panneerselvam decided to respond to such open threat to his position with silence.
“No chief minister will put up with his Cabinet colleagues seeking his removal,” Manivannan added.
Part of Panneerselvam’s submissive attitude could be attributed to his weak position within the AIADMK. Within days of Jayalalithaa’s death, almost every senior leader with some clout in the party backed Sasikala Natarajan to take over as the next supremo. Panneerselvam’s endorsement came last, indicating that he had no option but to toe the line.
Writer and political commentator Azhi Senthilnathan said Panneerselvam was aware of his political disabilities. “Even if he decides to assert himself, no one will back him,” he added. Panneerselvam also lacks the advantage of caste backing, given that Sasikala too hails from the same Mukkulathur community.
The chief minister’s only strategy could be to wait and see how corruption cases against Sasikala end. She is a co-accused in Jayalalithaa’s disproportionate wealth case, the judgment of which was reserved by the Supreme Court in June. In 2014, she went to jail with Jayalalithaa after a trial court in Bengaluru convicted them to four years imprisonment.
“Panneerselvam has a chance only if Sasikala faces conviction,” Senthilnathan said. At the moment, most in the AIADMK see him as an interim chief minister who would vacate the position whenever Sasikala decides to take over.
This role was nothing new to Panneerselvam. In 2001 and 2014, he became chief minister when Jayalalithaa had to step down due to corruption charges. On both occasions, he made it clear that he was an interim guardian of the chair to be returned to Jayalalithaa as and when she became eligible to assume charge.
Manivannan said the the current arrangement, where Panneerselvam continues to be chief minister without any real political power in the party, could only hurt Tamil Nadu. “The lack of a strong chief minister means the state will further cede its rights,” he added.
